Dr. Muna Al-Ghuraibi: Vision 2030 has Enhanced Saudi Women’s Financial Management & Investment Skills

Saudi scholar Dr. Muna Al-Ghuraibi has a wealth of knowledge in social policy and political sociology. She started attending university and receiving scholarships from other countries at a very young age, when Saudi women were not free to relocate or travel. She did, however, earn a master’s degree from King Saud University and, with persistence and hard work, a doctorate from the University of Sydney, Australia.

Interviewed by: Mohsen Hassan

In the Kingdom, she is among the most diverse and all-encompassing women. In the area of financial development and investment work, she is also a respected advisor, especially when it comes to women’s activities. Among the many memberships she has, the most significant are her positions on the boards of the Decision Support Society (DSS) and the Saudi Society for Social Studies.

One of her most active endeavours in the Saudi context is the development of societal mechanisms aimed at the economic empowerment of Saudi women in line with the promising Vision 2030. She has a particular interest in issues related to social capital and methods of managing civil society institutions.

During this interview, Arabisk London – Saudi Arabia asked Dr. Muna Al-Ghuraibi about key issues that define the most recent advancements and the Saudi women’s community’s political, economic, and social future.

Research and Knowledge’s Path

First, Dr. Muna Al-Ghuraibi, you conducted a master’s thesis at King Saud University in 2000 on “Saudi Girls’ Attitudes Towards Modern Values.”  What was the thesis’s conclusion?  What do you think of these ideals in Saudi girls today?

The goal of the study was to determine the key elements and variables that influence young Saudi women’s attitudes and orientations towards contemporary values. Values concerning civilisation and cognitive enrichment, a girl’s perception of the world in terms of her interpersonal relationships, and a girl’s self-perception, effectiveness, and competence, as well as her capacity to regulate her thoughts, actions, goals, and ambitions, were all measured to accomplish this. To rationalise modernity, the study’s conclusion included a social policy proposal.

The most significant of these suggestions is that, given that modern values are human and, as such, most of them do not conflict with Saudi society’s religious and social values, they are among the issues that need more research to monitor their evolution. Thus, even though they rely on clichéd Western theories, they are worth considering, particularly since they don’t seek to generalise particular ideologies.

Modernisation is important because it allows society to adapt to social changes and deal with the social issues that come with development. In the social sphere today, Saudi girls are embracing the majority of these contemporary ideals to keep up with the swift changes while maintaining their Saudi identity and heritage. Saudi Vision 2030 has the benefit of modernising society while preserving its identity, values, and legacy.

What social attitudes did Saudi women face when you went to study abroad in 2011? How difficult did these conditions make your life as a woman?

Being socially and intellectually aware means that one does not see societal conditions as a single, unchanging picture. Due to the dynamic and ever-evolving nature of Saudi society, factors such as social environment, socioeconomic class, degree of culture, education, socialisation, and professional mobility all influence how social mobility affects people and how they perceive and understand these conditions.

Depending on how well women comprehend social change, how profound it is, and how well they can adapt to it using their values, customs, beliefs, and behavioural guidelines—all of which enable them to meet their basic needs as women—what was difficult for them in 2011 might be difficult for them in 2050.

It is indisputable that women’s adaptability, will to overcome obstacles, and capacity to come up with solutions to problems they encounter are influenced by the broader social context. Consequently, I faced a marginal challenge from societal conditions, and significant legislation for women went into effect during that time.

The significance of Saudi Arabia’s overall social policy from that era to the present rests in this regard. By passing laws and regulations that safeguard women, uphold their dignity, and assist them in overcoming obstacles, this policy empowers, supports, and activates their roles.

What is your opinion of the current financial and social standing of Saudi women? How pleased are you with their involvement in the Kingdom’s development, particularly in the outlying areas?

Islamic Sharia, upon which the Saudi Constitution depends, protects the material and ethical rights of women. Regardless of men, women have full financial autonomy, including the ability to trade, own property, invest, and inherit. The Constitution protects these rights. Indeed, if they meet the requirements, on the same career ladder, and perform the same tasks as men, Saudi women who work receive the same wages as men.

The judiciary has frequently upheld the loopholes that male guardians have exploited in the past because of family considerations, beliefs, and antiquated customs that permitted men to represent and exploit them.

Modern Saudi women are ambitious and self-assured, which motivates them to manage their money and investments on their own. They even make up a sizable portion of small and medium-sized business owners. Industry, commerce, social services, design, innovation, technology, and more are among the domains they have ventured into.

From my vantage point, I can see that women are approaching development processes thoughtfully in different parts of the Kingdom.  Preparation, care, and preparation were necessary for a return to the original and genuine roots of women’s role and societal status. Regardless of where they live, under strict legal and regulatory oversight, they now benefit from all of the previously mentioned advantages. Saudi Arabia aims to help its children in underprivileged and rural areas.

During my scholarship, I met young men and women from outlying areas studying important labour-market specialities like rare medical specialities and artificial intelligence, among other things. It may take some time to see the benefits.

In terms of raising political and strategic awareness among Saudi women in general and Saudi women studying overseas and expatriates in particular, what are the most significant obstacles that the Saudi plan needs to overcome, according to political sociology?

Saudi women need to be educated critically and comprehensively to develop independent and long-lasting political and strategic awareness. Proficiency in discourse analysis, source analysis, and disproving political misinformation propagated by media agendas and social media platforms that disseminate biased and untrustworthy content about Saudi Arabia is necessary for political awareness.

Additionally, it needs strong and motivating female influence representation. This is a critical time for the rise of prominent individuals with strong political acumen, including ambassadors, Shura Council advisors, and human rights advocates.

Saudi Arabia strategically aims to promote a positive image of women by luring talent and encouraging women to attend regional and global conferences. To influence political engagement, the plan cannot overlook the significance of closing the gap between women’s political and economic empowerment.

This also entails launching interactive platforms, encouraging safe and open forums for political discussion under the watchful eye of intellectual awareness centres, and launching responsible media.

According to the second part of your question, you are referring to certain individuals who are portrayed in the media as being outside of Saudi society’s social and political framework.  In this sense, I think it takes time to develop political and strategic awareness.

As a professor of political sociology at a university, I think that to strengthen societal thinking and intellectual awareness of the Kingdom’s moderate political system, we need a curriculum that develops critical thinking abilities from the intermediate educational levels and integrates legal and judicial knowledge of the Saudi constitution.

Social Capital & Civil Society Institutions

As a member of the Saudi Society for Social Studies Board of Directors, how certain are you that regulatory constraints on Saudi civil society organisations—especially those tasked with conserving cultural heritage and reviving family production in highly localised settings—can be lifted?

To start, let me explain that the Saudi Society for Social Studies is a scientific organisation that is essential to the advancement of scientific and analytical knowledge of Saudi social issues, including political awareness, especially with national transformation, women’s empowerment and public participation, social and cultural transformations, and the commemoration of national holidays.

It promotes the use of cutting-edge critical sociological techniques. Because I am part of a distinguished group of experts on the Board’s management, the Society has not been subjected to unnecessary regulatory limitations. However, based on my research on Saudi Arabia’s civil society and supporting data, the Kingdom is regarded as a global leader in empowering people, institutions, and society through the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Development.

Regretfully, the Arab world perceives the relationship between the state and civil society organisations as antagonistic, whereas in fact, it is a structured one. The state’s level of oversight of civil society institutions varies depending on these limitations, and analysing this relationship is intricate and interwoven. These limitations cover everything from operational to regulatory to financial constraints.

Saudi public policy prioritises ensuring security and safety, meeting the needs of its citizens, and upholding their dignity. There is little issue with oversight restrictions for any institution, association, or organisation that does not disagree with this strategy.

How can the Saudi leadership, in your opinion, put professional plans into action to channel social capital towards its specific, equitable, and successful goals in attaining development and sustainable reform?

This is a critical question. The concept of social capital is a little ambiguous, and because some people mistake it for social cohesiveness, it is frequently used incorrectly in research and studies. Some individuals struggle with the issue of carelessly separating its constituent parts, a hidden asset crucial for successful and sustainable development, often compared to Bitcoin, an intangible yet valuable asset.

Working on several interrelated levels—institutional, cultural, educational, and organisational—is necessary to carry out professional plans to boost social capital. A long-term cultural endeavour, increasing social capital aims to promote collaboration to accomplish shared societal objectives.

Social capital can be studied vertically, focusing on the state-society relationship, or horizontally, examining the relationship between institutions or people. Key actions include reducing bureaucracy, increasing public participation in decision-making, and improving accountability and transparency in government institutions.

In this sense, the Kingdom has made significant strides in technology use, digitisation of government services, and cybersecurity implementation to prevent digital chaos and trust erosion.

In 2024, trust in government institutions’ performance increased from 83% to 86%, according to the Edelman Trust Barometer.  This metric tracks public confidence in the media, business, government, and civil society groups.  Promoting social justice and guaranteeing service accessibility for all societal groups—including women, men, low-income people, and those with disabilities—is also necessary for this.

The focus should be on spatial justice, aiming to eliminate class divisions, gaps, and regional disparities that weaken social capital between the state’s centre and periphery. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the Kingdom’s Vision 2030 have emphasised the importance of introducing educational curricula that promote critical thinking, cooperation, solidarity, dialogue-based conflict resolution, citizenship, and a pluralistic national identity to foster a shared collective awareness and a sense of community.

Sociological Creativity & College Degrees

As an Australian researcher and lecturer, you have observed aspects of the University of Sydney’s scientific research system. What aspects would you like to see more swiftly implemented in UK universities?

It is indisputable that doctoral programmes in social studies in the Arab world overemphasise specialisation, theories, and methods while undermining sociological imagination, the capacity to ask important and profound questions, and creative problem-solving skills to address societal issues.

My supervisor at the University of Sydney commended my aptitude and command of scientific research methods during our first meeting. During the more than seven semesters between my bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees, I told him that I had researched and tested the methods. To ascertain my degree of critical thinking, he first asked me to read and evaluate two articles.  Writing a critical scientific paper was not a difficult task, but it did require several readings.

As a researcher and lecturer, I have come to the following conclusions: First, satiating critical thinking requires a wealth of scientific references and scholarly output, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Analytical and logical abilities, as well as relating the topic to social responsibility, are the foundations of adhering to a sociological criticism and imagination model. We relied more on evaluating academic publications than on books when instructing undergraduate students.

Second, before submitting study plans to the accreditation committee, doctoral students and professors engage in a large group discussion to approve plans using interdisciplinary methods to improve academic research and students’ perspectives. Doctoral programme coordinators frequently invited us to present our work, critically discuss other people’s plans, and consider comments in discussion groups.

Third: Separating doctoral programmes into thesis-based PhD programmes (PhD in the Philosophy of Sociology) and doctorate by courses (PhD) programmes according to methodology and writing style. The PhD by publications programme’s use in social studies caught my attention as well. Only applied scientific disciplines are eligible for this kind of dissertation. This division considers the skills of the students.

What conclusions do you draw about the educational system in Saudi and Arab universities based on this approach?

I think that university education should strive to produce a new generation that is different from ours, which calls for reevaluating academic curricula. The Arab world’s PhD programmes continue to use an antiquated university model that forces us to specialise. Social studies PhD candidates must therefore be prepared to be critical thinkers who can address social issues rather than merely specialists through the design of contemporary programmes. Our degree is called “Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology.”

Here, I highlight the inevitable return of philosophy to doctoral programmes because it offers a forum for critical thinking, introspection, and assumption questioning. This enables introspection, self-examination, and questioning of presumptions. It also enables the examination of interpersonal relationships, religious and social customs, and their suitability for the time and location. As he talks about some social issues, I invite you to watch His Royal Highness Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s interview with Al-Mudaifer.

In this context, I suggest that doctoral programs require in-depth discussions and provide funding for innovative research that increases interdisciplinary study collaboration opportunities, encourages the program’s use of technology and artificial intelligence, establishes partnerships and university visits through doctoral student exchanges, promotes second languages, and takes part in global e-conferences.

Concerns about Culture, Development, & Security

How do you see the challenges of achieving positive biculturalism and development in Arab societies? What about Saudi Arabia and the Gulf region in this scenario?

Identity, power, the economy, social change, and the system of social and cultural values all intersect in the complex relationship between culture and development. Accordingly, acknowledging that culture is a fundamental force behind development rather than a hindrance to it is necessary to put the positive relationship between culture and development into practice.

Recognising that culture is a social construct and a developmental resource that influences individual behaviour, establishes social organisation and interaction patterns, and empowers individuals and societies through pride in cultural identity to improve community participation is the first step towards this realisation, particularly since development is not just confined to the material realm.

Developing a public policy that encourages culture in all of its manifestations fosters entrepreneurship, creativity, and innovation—all of which are critical for growth. The issue stems from Arab societies’ modernist perception of development as a conflict that jeopardises identity. In actuality, if development originates within the cultural system rather than from outside of it, identity and modernity are complementary projects.

A thriving economy, a dynamic society, and an aspirational country are the three pillars of the Kingdom’s Saudi National Transformation Project, which gave rise to Saudi Vision 2030. Economic development is a subset of comprehensive development, which strives for a thorough social, cultural, and economic transformation that necessitates a shift in perspective and the growth of citizens’ capacities. Consequently, I think that culture as a change agent is central to Saudi Arabian development rather than an afterthought.

When, in your opinion, do state leaders’ political and security concerns impede efforts to promote community engagement and volunteerism? Is some of the contemporary politicians’ narrow-mindedness confusing in this context?

We must ask whether the political and security concerns can hinder community involvement and reform initiatives, with civil and political openness influenced by the state’s political system and reform policies. Some regimes view community involvement as a challenge to power, allowing accountability, criticism, and opposition.

The state can transition into a military or security state, where stability is the basis for legitimacy, or suffer from a lack of trust in citizens, leading to suspicion of community movements, monitoring, and strict legal and regulatory restrictions. The politicisation of civil action, often associated with political opposition and ideologies, has been a prominent model for social engagement, potentially distancing it from its reformist purpose and encouraging subversive behaviour.

I emphasise the importance of balancing security and community involvement to foster trust, establish accountability, and promote transparency, suggesting that expanding the definition of security beyond state security could be a key goal. Supporting social, scientific, professional, and local councils to serve as intermediaries between the state and society and to foster constructive interactions between the two is one way to strike a balance.

“Secure citizenship” is a balance that ensures citizens feel secure and just, exercising their civic, economic, social, and cultural rights as guaranteed by the constitution without fear of retaliation or threat to the state’s authority, thereby establishing the state’s legitimacy.

Saudi Vision 2030 promotes empowerment, community participation, human rights reforms, identity and citizenship debate, and the role of the Human Rights Council. It integrates secure citizenship concepts into educational and cultural institutions, raising awareness of security, political, social, and value-based issues. Secure citizenship is not just about granting citizens’ rights for stability, reform, and sustainable development; it also involves a sense of protection, belonging, and justice, providing a foundation for building upon in the Saudi case.

Regarding a reality-based economic structure, how do you feel about the social effects of international loan and grant policies? Can developing nations in our area set the stage for these loans to be rescinded? How is this achievable?

Undoubtedly, these policies—particularly conditional ones—have a significant impact on the social and economic fabric of the nation and can have unfavourable outcomes if they are not in line with its social and economic realities. Adoption of cultural policies and values that are at odds with societal norms and values is one of their effects; this leads to cultural conflict and the breakdown of national identity.

By lowering government spending on services or eliminating subsidies for necessities, this could cause the class divide in society to widen. Income inequality could also result from it. The middle class has shrunk, as we have seen in recent decades. We have separated society into three social classes instead of the previous five. It is feared that these policies will result in the separation of society into two classes: the wealthy and the impoverished.

Reliance on loans, which breeds dependency, is one of its effects, particularly when structural adjustment programs that aim to privatise and reduce government employment are implemented. As a result, there is social unrest brought on by high unemployment and migration both domestically and abroad.

My limited knowledge of economic policies indicates that doing away with loans is not impossible, but it does require political and strategic will. Building a comprehensive economic system is necessary to achieve sustainable development, increase local revenues, diversify sources of income, prepare citizens for self-sufficiency, reduce waste and non-development projects, reduce financial corruption, and improve governance. Arab patriarchy and radical feminism

Some people may have been offended by your media suggestions regarding the idea and practices of feminism, particularly concerning patriarchy and masculinity, and saw it as a way for men to gain an advantage over women in Saudi and Arab society. Is there a comprehension issue here?

The fight with the other sex is not ours. I speak of feminism as a woman who was brought up in a prominent tribal family with conservative religious and social values, and by a father who was a model of integrity, morals, and values.

According to him, women are autonomous, spiritual, intellectual, and physical beings with obvious religious and social duties who shouldn’t be made to live a life that contradicts their humanity, intelligence, and dignity. I think there are differences between men and women because I’m a woman.

Consequently, I am more in favour of the idea of social justice than I am of gender equality. In my view, women’s independence is not incompatible with the family value system, notwithstanding any individual social transgressions. Thus, as long as it permits me to exercise my freedom and rights within a social structure that regards me as a fully qualified citizen and places me at a fair level of social merit, I have no issue with the idea of patriarchy as an institutional system based on the family.

Concerning power dynamics and social structure, the issue of masculinity and patriarchy is structural, historical, and gendered. The true issue is the gender stereotype that restricts women’s options, forces them to be submissive, creates inferiority complexes, and restricts how they portray themselves. It presents women as repulsive or alluring, or it justifies violence under the guise of social control and discipline.

According to radical feminism, which I oppose in my media discourse, patriarchy is a poisonous system that is ingrained in society and needs to be destroyed. The nature of Arab social structures is incompatible with this assertion, and I think that tearing it down will have dire and uncontrollable repercussions.

How does the growing regional and global recruitment of women by extremist religious groups fit into your conception of radical feminism? In this situation, what about the idea of freedom of orientation and choice?

I won’t go into great detail about this subject. As political sociologists, we approach this problem from the standpoint of political extremism and violence. Not every woman who joins these groups is a victim of deceit and ignorance. Some of them voluntarily and consciously join the groups, and they use political and symbolic violence on their initiative.

I therefore typically approach the problem from a structural, cultural, and personal standpoint. A low sense of belonging and a weakened national identity, escaping oppressive social guardianship, feelings of guilt and religious negligence, the need for vengeance as a result of oppression, social exclusion, emptiness, and attempts to find meaning in life are all factors.

These are some of the most significant social and psychological elements that encourage vulnerable girls to join groups that give them a distinctive identity and give them a false sense of protection, leadership, and advancement through organisational or security work assignments. In actuality, these organisations maintain them in the same cosy roles as mothers and wives, albeit in a distorted way.

Vision 2030 & Effective Positivity Dynamics

How well, in your opinion, has Vision 2030 presented social science ideas as a way to motivate decision-making? What are the key prerequisites for developing a modern Saudi theory of urban and human sociology with enduring characteristics?

At the moment, Saudi Arabia is going through a constructive, dynamic shift towards using all of its human, material, and scientific resources to make decisions that benefit the country and its people.

The ability of researchers to establish a reciprocal relationship between theory and practice—which necessitates deviating from the conventional conclusions and suggestions that the majority of social studies have adopted—is what will determine whether theses are adopted in the social sciences.

As previously stated, critical thinking is essential when presenting a social proposal or project related to the study’s topic so that decision-makers can accept it. In turn, the most notable method to get decision-makers attention is to embrace creative concepts grounded in critical thinking, include a story of social change and a set of social values in university theses, and devote a whole chapter to discussing the findings, disputing the data, and connecting them to reality.

However, I don’t think we are as concerned with creating a Saudi social theory at this point as we are with reading reality in all its details, tracking and recording social change and its effects, critically analysing the structural underpinnings of local contexts and roots, releasing ourselves from the projections of Western theories onto our social reality, and possibly localising social concepts in a way that is appropriate for Saudi society.

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Liberating the so-called “sociological imagination,” particularly among Saudis, is something you emphasise a lot. What mechanism, in your opinion, can accomplish this?

The concept of the sociological imagination crystallised for me after reading a book by American sociologist C. Wright Mills. In developing the concept, he aimed to connect individual experiences and autobiographies to historical structural contexts, as well as private problems and public issues.

This connection requires a substantial methodological mechanism. It starts with sophisticated awareness and freedom from the importance of a limited self-perception to seeing oneself as a component of the social order. It also entails asking what kind of social structure produced a phenomenon rather than focusing on identifying the cause of a particular phenomenon.

Utilising historical structural analysis requires consideration of both temporal and spatial contexts. Although the historical method is frequently examined concerning scientific research methods and instruments, our studies and scientific dissertations hardly ever use it, and when it is, it is not applied correctly. Instead of restating my earlier remarks regarding the significance of critical thinking, I am highlighting it here.

In conclusion, what academic endeavour do you hope to complete soon or in the future that is still on your wish list?

I usually wait to discuss my projects until I have thoroughly examined them. In general, I hope to work on a project that brings sociology—and political sociology in particular—out of academic classrooms and into the hands of the general public by creating interesting content based on the Saudi context.

I tried a few of these strategies during my undergraduate and graduate teaching, and I think they have worked out nicely. Some organisations and institutions have even hired my outstanding students to work for them after they graduate.

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